Collected by Todd M. Compton as background for Victim of the Muses: Poet as Scapegoat,
Warrior, and Hero in Greco-Roman and Indo-European Myth And
1. Pherecydes, FGH 3 F 154 = Pollux X 128
καὶ θρῖναξ δὲ καὶ δρέπανον καὶ δρεπάνη καί, ὡς Φερεκύδης ὠνόμασε, κρώπιον. περὶ γὰρ τοῦ Κόδρου λέγων ὅτι ὡς ἐπὶ φρυγανισμὸν ἐξῆλθεν ἐν ἀγροίκου τῆι σκευῆι βουλόμενος λαθεῖν, φησὶν ὅτι τῶι κρωπίωι τινὰ παίσας ἀπέκτεινεν.
And thrinax and drepanon and drepanê and, as Pherekydes named it, the scythe [krōpion]. For speaking about Codrus, he said that as he went out in the clothes of a field worker as if to gather wood [epi phruganismon] he wished to deceive; and he said that after joking around, he killed someone with a scythe.
[My trans. According to Frazer, Pherecydes of Athens was an “early mythologist and antiquarian . . . [He] was a contemporary of Herodotus and Hellanicus, and wrote in the first half of the fifth century B.C. Apollodorus often refers to him, and appears to have made much use of his writings.” Frazer at Apollodorus 1.4.1.n7, LCL.]
[LSJ: κρώπιον, τό: scythe, bill-hook. American Heritage Dictionary, bill-hook: An implement with a curved blade attached to a handle, used especially for clearing brush and for rough pruning. Also call “bill.” LSJ: phruganismos: “a gathering of firewood.”]
2. Panyassis Ionica = Suda s.v. Panyassis
Πανύασις, Πολυάρχου, Ἁλικαρνασσεύς, τερατοσκόπος καὶ ποιητὴς ἐπῶν: ὃς σβεσθεῖσαν τὴν ποιητικὴν ἐπανήγαγε. Δοῦρις δὲ Διοκλέους τε παῖδα ἀνέγραψε καὶ Σάμιον, ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ Ἡρόδοτος Θούριον. ἱστόρηται δὲ Πανύασις Ἡροδότου τοῦ ἱστορικοῦ ἐξάδελφος: γέγονε γὰρ Πανύασις Πολυάρχου, ὁ δὲ Ἡρόδοτος Λύξου τοῦ Πολυάρχου ἀδελφοῦ. τινὲς δὲ οὐ Λύξην, ἀλλὰ Ῥοιὼ τὴν μητέρα Ἡροδότου, Πανυάσιδος ἀδελφήν, ἱστόρησαν. ὁ δὲ Πανύασις γέγονε κατὰ τὴν οη# ὀλυμπιάδα, κατὰ δέ τινας πολλῷ πρεσβύτερος: καὶ γὰρ ἦν ἐπὶ τῶν Περσικῶν. ἀνῃρέθη δὲ ὑπὸ Λυγδάμιδος τοῦ τρίτου τυραννήσαντος Ἁλικαρνασσοῦ. ἐν δὲ ποιηταῖς τάττεται μεθ' Ὅμηρον, κατὰ δέ τινας καὶ μετὰ Ἡσίοδον καὶ Ἀντίμαχον. ἔγραψε δὲ καὶ Ἡρακλειάδα ἐν βιβλίοις ιδ#, εἰς ἔπη #22θ#, Ἰωνικὰ ἐν πενταμέτρῳ, ἔστι δὲ τὰ περὶ Κόδρον καὶ Νηλέα καὶ τὰς Ἰωνικὰς ἀποικίας, εἰς ἔπη #22ζ#.
Son of Polyarchus; of
It is recorded that Panyasis was a cousin of
Herodotus the historian; for Panyasis was the son of Polyarchus, while
Herodotus was the son of Lyxes, Polyarchus' brother. But some have recorded
that it was not Lyxes [sc. who connects the two of them], but that [it was]
Rhoea, the mother of Herodotus, a sister of Panyasis. Panyasis was alive in the
78th Olympiad, but according to some [he was] much older; for he was alive at
the time of the Persian Wars. He was killed by Lygdamis, third tyrant of
[Trans. by Phiroze Vasunia and David Whitehead from Suda Online, http://www.stoa.org/sol/ . Panyassis lived c. first half of the 5th century BC.]
X. τῷ βάθρῳ δὲ τῷ ὑπὸ τὸν ἵππον τὸν δούρειον [δὴ] ἐπίγραμμα μέν ἐστιν ἀπὸ δεκάτης τοῦ Μαραθωνίου ἔργου τεθῆναι τὰς εἰκόνας: εἰσὶ δὲ Ἀθηνᾶ τε καὶ Ἀπόλλων καὶ ἀνὴρ τῶν στρατηγησάντων Μιλτιάδης: ἐκ δὲ τῶν ἡρώων καλουμένων Ἐρεχθεύς τε καὶ Κέκροψ καὶ Πανδίων, [οὗτοι μὲν δὴ] καὶ Λεώς τε καὶ Ἀντίοχος ὁ ἐκ Μήδας Ἡρακλεῖ γενόμενος τῆς Φύλαντος, ἔτι δὲ Αἰγεύς τε καὶ παίδων τῶν Θησέως Ἀκάμας, οὗτοι μὲν καὶ φυλαῖς Ἀθήνῃσιν ὀνόματα κατὰ μάντευμα ἔδοσαν τὸ ἐκ Δελφῶν: ὁ δὲ Μελάνθου Κόδρος καὶ Θησεὺς καὶ Νηλεύς [ἐστιν], οὗτοι δὲ οὐκέτι τῶν ἐπωνύμων εἰσί.
On the base below the wooden horse is an inscription
which says that the statues were dedicated form a tithe of the spoils taken in
the engagement at
[Trans. W. H. S. Jones, LCL. Date of sculpture: ca. 450 BC. See
also U. Kron, Die zehn attischen
Phylenheroen. Geschichte, Mythos, Kult und Darstellungen (
4. Herodotus Histories 5.65
LXV. καὶ οὐδέν τι πάντως ἂν ἐξεῖλον Πεισιστρατίδας οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι: οὔτε γὰρ ἐπέδρην ἐπενόεον ποιήσασθαι, οἵ τε Πεισιστρατίδαι σίτοισι καὶ ποτοῖσι εὖ παρεσκευάδατο, πολιορκήσαντές τε ἂν ἡμέρας ὀλίγας ἀπαλλάσσοντο ἐς τὴν Σπάρτην. νῦν δὲ συντυχίη τοῖσι μὲν κακὴ ἐπεγένετο, τοῖσι δὲ ἡ αὐτὴ αὕτη σύμμαχος: ὑπεκτιθέμενοι γὰρ ἔξω τῆς χώρης οἱ παῖδες τῶν Πεισιστρατιδέων ἥλωσαν.  τοῦτο δὲ ὡς ἐγένετο, πάντα αὐτῶν τὰ πρήγματα συνετετάρακτο, παρέστησαν δὲ ἐπὶ μισθῷ+ τοῖσι τέκνοισι, ἐπ' οἷσι ἐβούλοντο οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι, ὥστε ἐν πέντε ἡμέρῃσι ἐκχωρῆσαι ἐκ τῆς Ἀττικῆς.  μετὰ δὲ ἐξεχώρησαν ἐς Σίγειον τὸ ἐπὶ τῷ Σκαμάνδρῳ, ἄρξαντες μὲν Ἀθηναίων ἐπ' ἔτεα ἕξ τε καὶ τριήκοντα, ἐόντες δὲ καὶ οὗτοι ἀνέκαθεν Πύλιοί τε καὶ Νηλεῖδαι, ἐκ τῶν αὐτῶν γεγονότες καὶ οἱ ἀμφὶ Κόδρον τε καὶ Μέλανθον, οἳ πρότερον ἐπήλυδες ἐόντες ἐγένοντο Ἀθηναίων βασιλέες.  ἐπὶ τούτου δὲ καὶ τὠυτὸ οὔνομα ἀπεμνημόνευσε Ἱπποκράτης τῷ παιδὶ θέσθαι τὸν Πεισίστρατον, ἐπὶ τοῦ Νέστορος Πεισιστράτου ποιεύμενος τὴν ἐπωνυμίην.
 οὕτω μὲν Ἀθηναῖοι τυράννων ἀπαλλάχθησαν: ὅσα δὲ ἐλευθερωθέντες ἔρξαν ἢ ἔπαθον ἀξιόχρεα ἀπηγήσιος, πρὶν ἢ Ἰωνίην τε ἀποστῆναι ἀπὸ Δαρείου καὶ Ἀρισταγόρεα τὸν Μιλήσιον ἀπικόμενον ἐς Ἀθήνας χρηίσαι σφέων βοηθέειν, ταῦτα πρῶτα φράσω.
LXV. The Lacedaemonians would never
have taken the Pisistratid stronghold. First of all they had no intention to
blockade it, and secondly the Pisistratidae were well furnished with food and
drink. The Lacedaemonians would only have besieged the place for a few days and
then returned to
[Trans. A. D. Godley. Text and translation from Perseus. Herodotus lived c. 484-425 BC.]
5. Herodotus Histories 5.76
LXXVI. τέταρτον δὴ τοῦτο ἐπὶ τὴν Ἀττικὴν ἀπικόμενοι Δωριέες, δίς τε ἐπὶ πολέμῳ ἐσβαλόντες καὶ δὶς ἐπ' ἀγαθῷ τοῦ πλήθεος τοῦ Ἀθηναίων, πρῶτον μὲν ὅτε καὶ Μέγαρα κατοίκισαν: οὗτος ὁ στόλος ἐπὶ Κόδρου βασιλεύοντος Ἀθηναίων ὀρθῶς ἂν καλέοιτο: δεύτερον δὲ καὶ τρίτον ὅτε ἐπὶ Πεισιστρατιδέων ἐξέλασιν ὁρμηθέντες ἐκ Σπάρτης ἀπίκοντο, τέταρτον δὲ τότε ὅτε ἐς Ἐλευσῖνα Κλεομένης ἄγων Πελοποννησίους ἐσέβαλε. οὕτω τέταρτον τότε Δωριέες ἐσέβαλον ἐς Ἀθήνας.
LXXVI. This was the fourth time that Dorians had
[Trans. A. D. Godley. Text and translation from Perseus.]
6. Hellenicus, FGH 323a F 23 = Schol. Plato Symposium 208d
(1) Κόδρος ἦν ἀπὸ Δευκαλίωνος, ὥς φησιν Ἑλλάνικος. . . . (3) Μελάνθου δὲ Κόδρος γενόμενος ἐκδέχεται τὴν βασιλείαν, ὃς καὶ ὑπὲρ τῆς πατρίδος ἀπέθανε τρόπωι τοιῶιδε. πολέμου τοῖς Δωριεῦσιν ὄντος πρὸς Ἀθηναίους, ἔχρησεν ὁ θεὸς τοῖς Δωριεῦσιν αἱρήσειν τὰς Ἀθήνας, εἰ Κόδρον τὸν βασιλέα μὴ φονεύσωσιν. γνοὺς δὲ τοῦτο ὁ Κόδρος, στείλας ἑαυτὸν εὐτελεῖ σκεύῆι ὡς ξυλιστὴν καὶ δρέπανον λαβών, ἐπὶ τὸν χάρακα τῶν πολεμίων προήiει. δύο δὲ αὐτῶi ἀπαντησάντων πολεμίων τὸν μὲν ἕνα πατάξας κατέβαλεν, ὑπὸ δὲ τοῦ ἑτέρου ἀγνοηθεὶς ὅστις ἦν, πληγεὶς ἀπέθανε. . . .
(1) Codrus was a descendant of Deucalion, as
Hellanicus says . . . (3) And Codrus the son of Melanthus received the
kingship, he who died for his country in following manner. When the Athenians
were at war with the Dorians, the god gave an oracle to the Dorians that they
[My trans. Text from FGH. Hellanicus of Mitylene was born c. 490 BC and continued writing past 406 BC.]
Codrus as Warrior,
This is the name vase of the Codrus Painter. Sourvinou-Inwood writes, “On the tondo of our cup is shown Kodros, dressed as a fully armed hoplite, with a spear and a shield. His name is inscribed. On his left stands, facing him, a bearded man in himation, one hand on his hip, the other on his staff. His name is also inscribed: he is AINETOS. The two men are looking at each other. This iconographical schema . . . resembles closely . . . the ‘departure to war’ schema, which was very common in Attic ceramic iconography at this time.”
[LIMC #3 (Erika Simon, “Kodros,” in Lexicon Iconographicum Mythologiae Classicae, 8 vols. (Zurich: Artemis Verlag, 1981-1999), 5.1, 86-88, #3). See also, Christiane Sourvinou-Inwood, “The Cup Bologna PU 273: A Reading,” Metis 5 (1990): 137-53. The vase is dated to c. 435/430 BC.]
8. Shrine of Codrus, Neleus and Basile, IG3 I 84
Carol L. Lawton, in Attic Document Reliefs: Art and Politics in Ancient Athens, included in Perseus, writes:
The decree, passed in the ninth
prytany of the archonship of Antiphon (lines 2-3), concerns provisions for
enclosing and leasing various parts of the sanctuary of Kodros, Neleus, and
. . . It has sometimes been assumed that the sanctuary was chiefly associated with Neleus because the inscription refers variously to the ‘the Neleion’ (lines 27-28), ‘payments to Neleus’ (lines 21-22), and the ‘temenos of Neleus and Basile’ (lines 12, 29, 32), but it is clear from the text as a whole that these are references only to various parts of the sanctuary and the provisions for them; Kodros is always mentioned first in references to the sanctuary as a whole (lines 4, 14, 30-31).
Neleus is a shadowy figure and difficult to characterize. Most representations of him come from Italy, where he often appears with his mother Tyro and his twin Pelias in the recognition scene from Sophokles’ Tyro . . . It is unclear whether in Athens he was equated with the Pylian Neleus, father of Nestor and ancestor of Kodros, or with the Neleus who was a son of Kodros and founder of Ionian cities (Hdt. 10.97). . . . Basile, sometimes confused with Basileia, is also obscure . . .
Kodros, in contrast, seems to have
been a more popular figure in fifth-century
G. T. W. Hooker, in “The Topography of the Frogs,” JHS 80 (1960): 112-117, 115, summarizes this inscription thus: “an inscription of 418-417 B.C., recording a decree laying down the terms on which the Archon Basileus was to let out the temenos of Neleus and Basile. This provided that the lessee was to enclose the sanctuary of Kodros, Neleus, and Basile and plant in it a minimum of two hundred olive trees, and to control ‘the ditch and all the rainwater that flows between the Dionysion and the gates where the mystai drive out to the sea, and all that flows between the public house and the gates that lead to the baths of Isthmonikos.’”
9. Lycurgus Against Leocrates 84-87
 1 ἐπὶ2 Κόδρου γὰρ βασιλεύοντος Πελοποννησίοις γενομένης ἀφορίας κατὰ τὴν χώραν αὐτῶν3 ἔδοξε στρατεύειν ἐπὶ τὴν πόλιν ἡμῶν, καὶ ἡμῶν τοὺς προγόνους ἐξαναστήσαντας κατανείμασθαι τὴν χώραν. καὶ πρῶτον μὲν εἰς Δελφοὺς ἀποστείλαντες τὸν θεὸν ἐπηρώτων εἰ λήψονται4 τὰς Ἀθήνας: ἀνελόντος δὲ τοῦ θεοῦ αὐτοῖς ὅτι τὴν πόλιν αἱρήσουσιν ἂν μὴ τὸν βασιλέα τὸν Ἀθηναίων Κόδρον ἀποκτείνωσιν, ἐστράτευον ἐπὶ τὰς Ἀθήνας.
1 συιδας ̔ς.f. Εὐγενέστεροσ̓ multa ex hac narratione citat.
2 ἐπὶ om. Suidas.
3 αὐτῶν] πᾶσαν Suidas.
4 λήψονται Suidas: ἐπιλήψονται codd.
 Κλεόμαντις δὲ τῶν Δελφῶν τις πυθόμενος τὸ χρηστήριον δι’ ἀπορρήτων ἐξήγγειλε1 τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις: οὕτως οἱ πρόγονοι ἡμῶν, ὡς ἔοικε, καὶ τοὺς ἔξωθεν ἀνθρώπους εὔνους ἔχοντες διετέλουν. ἐμβαλόντων δὲ τῶν Πελοποννησίων εἰς τὴν Ἀττικήν, τί ποιοῦσιν οἱ πρόγονοι ἡμῶν,2 ὦ ἄνδρες δικασταί; οὐ καταλιπόντες τὴν χώραν ὥσπερ Δεωκράτης ᾤχοντο οὐδ’ ἔκδοτον τὴν θρεψαμένην καὶ τὰ ἱερὰ τοῖς πολεμίοις παρέδοσαν, ἀλλ’ ὀλίγοι ὄντες κατακλῃσθέντες3 ἐπολιορκοῦντο καὶ διεκαρτέρουν εἰς τὴν πατρίδα.
1 ἐξήγγειλε Bekker: ἐξήγγελλε Α.
2 ἡμῶν Bekker: ὑμῶν codd.
3 κατακλῃσθέντες Es: κατακλεισθέντες codd.
 καὶ οὕτως ἦσαν, ὦ ἄνδρες, γενναῖοι οἱ τότε βασιλεύοντες ὥστε προῃροῦντο ἀποθνῄσκειν ὑπὲρ τῆς τῶν ἀρχομένων σωτηρίας μᾶλλον ἢ ζῶντες ἑτέραν μεταλλάξαι1 χώραν. φασὶ γοῦν τὸν Κόδρον παραγγείλαντα τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις προσέχειν ὅταν τελευτήσῃ τὸν βίον, λαβόντα πτωχικὴν στολὴν ὅπως ἂν ἀπατήσῃ τοὺς πολεμίους, κατὰ τὰς πύλας ὑποδύντα φρύγανα συλλέγειν πρὸ τῆς πόλεως, προσελθόντων δ’ αὐτῷ δυοῖν ἀνδρῶν ἐκ τοῦ στρατοπέδου καὶ τὰ κατὰ τὴν πόλιν πυνθανομένων, τὸν ἕτερον αὐτῶν ἀποκτεῖναι τῷ δρεπάνω παίσαντα2 τὸν δὲ περιλελειμμένον,
 παροξυνθέντα τῷ Κόδρῳ καὶ νομίσαντα πτωχὸν εἶναι, σπασάμενον τὸ ξίφος ἀποκτεῖναι τὸν Κόδρον. τούτων δὲ γενομένων οἱ μὲν Ἀθηναῖοι κήρυκα πέμψαντες ἠξίουν δοῦναι τὸν βασιλέα θάψαι, λέγοντες αὐτοῖς ἅπασαν τὴν ἀλήθειαν: οἱ δὲ Πελοποννήσιοι τοῦτον μὲν ἀπέδοσαν, γνόντες δ’ ὡς οὐκέτι δυνατὸν αὐτοῖς τὴν χώραν κατασχεῖν ἀπεχώρησαν. τῷ δὲ Κλεομάντει τῷ Δελφῷ ἡ πόλις αὐτῷ τε καὶ ἐκγόνοις ἐν πρυτανείῳ ἀίδιον σίτησιν ἔδοσαν.
 Consider, gentlemen: you are the only Greeks for whom it is impossible to ignore any of these crimes. Let me remind you of a few past episodes; and if you take them as examples you will reach a better verdict in the present case and in others also. The greatest virtue of your city is that she has set the Greeks an example of noble conduct. In age1 she surpasses every city, and in valor too our ancestors have no less surpassed their fellows.
 Remember the reign of Codrus. The
Peloponnesians, whose crops had failed at home, decided to march against our
city and, expelling our ancestors, to divide the land amongst themselves. They sent first to Delphi and asked the god if
they were going to capture
 But a Delphian Cleomantis, learning of the
oracle, secretly told the Athenians. Such, it seems, was the goodwill which our
ancestors always inspired even among aliens. And when the Pelopannesians
 And such was the nobility, gentlemen, of those kings of old that they preferred to die for the safety of their subjects rather than to purchase life by the adoption of another country. That at least is true of Codrus, who, they say, told the Athenians to note the time of his death and, taking a beggar’s clothes to deceive the enemy, slipped out by the gates and began to collect firewood in front of the town. When two men from the camp approached him and inquired about conditions in the city he killed one of them with a blow of his sickle.
87] The survivor, it is said, enraged with Codrus and thinking him a beggar drew his sword and killed him. Then the Athenians sent a herald and asked to have their king given over for burial, telling the enemy the whole truth and the Peloponnesians restored the body but retreated, aware that it was no longer open to them to secure the country. To Cleomantis of Delphi the city made a grant of maintenance in the Prytaneum for himself and his descendants for ever.
 Is there any resemblance between Leocrates’ love for his country and the love of those ancient kings who preferred to die for her and outwit the foe, giving their own life in exchange for the people’s safety? It is for this reason that they and only they have given the land their name and received honors like the gods, as is their due. For they were entitled, even after death, to a share in the country which they so zealously preserved.
[Trans. J. O. Burtt. Text and translation from Perseus. Lycurgus lived ca. Demosthenes, but was older than Demosthenes. He was born before 404 BC and died ca. 323 BC. Against Leocrates is his only extant oration.]
10. Plato Symposium 208d
[208b] θεῖον, ἀλλὰ τῷ τὸ ἀπιὸν καὶ παλαιούμενον ἕτερον νέον ἐγκαταλείπειν οἷον αὐτὸ ἦν. ταύτῃ τῇ μηχανῇ, ὦ Σώκρατες, ἔφη, θνητὸν ἀθανασίας μετέχει, καὶ σῶμα καὶ τἆλλα πάντα: ἀθάνατον δὲ ἄλλῃ. μὴ οὖν θαύμαζε εἰ τὸ αὑτοῦ ἀποβλάστημα φύσει πᾶν τιμᾷ: ἀθανασίας γὰρ χάριν παντὶ αὕτη ἡ σπουδὴ καὶ ὁ ἔρως ἕπεται.
καὶ ἐγὼ ἀκούσας τὸν λόγον ἐθαύμασά τε καὶ εἶπον εἶεν, ἦν δ’ ἐγώ, ὦ σοφωτάτη Διοτίμα, ταῦτα ὡς ἀληθῶς οὕτως ἔχει;
[208c] καὶ ἥ, ὥσπερ οἱ τέλεοι σοφισταί, εὖ ἴσθι, ἔφη, ὦ Σώκρατες: ἐπεί γε καὶ τῶν ἀνθρώπων εἰ ἐθέλεις εἰς τὴν φιλοτιμίαν βλέψαι, θαυμάζοις ἂν τῆς ἀλογίας περὶ ἃ ἐγὼ εἴρηκα εἰ μὴ ἐννοεῖς, ἐνθυμηθεὶς ὡς δεινῶς διάκεινται ἔρωτι τοῦ ὀνομαστοὶ γενέσθαι καὶ κλέος ἐς τὸν ἀεὶ χρόνον ἀθάνατον καταθέσθαι, καὶ ὑπὲρ τούτου κινδύνους τε κινδυνεύειν ἕτοιμοί εἰσι πάντας ἔτι μᾶλλον ἢ ὑπὲρ τῶν [208d] παίδων, καὶ χρήματα ἀναλίσκειν καὶ πόνους πονεῖν οὑστινασοῦν καὶ ὑπεραποθνῄσκειν. ἐπεὶ οἴει σύ, ἔφη, Ἄλκηστιν ὑπὲρ Ἀδμήτου ἀποθανεῖν ἄν, ἢ Ἀχιλλέα Πατρόκλῳ ἐπαποθανεῖν, ἢ προαποθανεῖν τὸν ὑμέτερον Κόδρον ὑπὲρ τῆς βασιλείας τῶν παίδων, μὴ οἰομένους ἀθάνατον μνήμην ἀρετῆς πέρι ἑαυτῶν ἔσεσθαι, ἣν νῦν ἡμεῖς ἔχομεν; πολλοῦ γε δεῖ, ἔφη, ἀλλ’ οἶμαι ὑπὲρ ἀρετῆς ἀθανάτου καὶ τοιαύτης δόξης εὐκλεοῦς πάντες πάντα ποιοῦσιν, ὅσῳ ἂν ἀμείνους [208e] ὦσι, τοσούτῳ μᾶλλον: τοῦ γὰρ ἀθανάτου ἐρῶσιν. οἱ μὲν οὖν ἐγκύμονες, ἔφη, κατὰ τὰ σώματα ὄντες πρὸς τὰς γυναῖκας μᾶλλον τρέπονται καὶ ταύτῃ ἐρωτικοί εἰσιν, διὰ παιδογονίας ἀθανασίαν καὶ μνήμην καὶ εὐδαιμονίαν, ὡς οἴονται, αὑτοῖς εἰς τὸν ἔπειτα χρόνον πάντα ποριζόμενοι: οἱ δὲ κατὰ τὴν
[209a] ψυχήν--εἰσὶ γὰρ οὖν, ἔφη, οἳ ἐν ταῖς ψυχαῖς κυοῦσιν ἔτι μᾶλλον ἢ ἐν τοῖς σώμασιν, ἃ ψυχῇ προσήκει καὶ κυῆσαι καὶ τεκεῖν: τί οὖν προσήκει; φρόνησίν τε καὶ τὴν ἄλλην ἀρετήν--ὧν δή εἰσι καὶ οἱ ποιηταὶ πάντες γεννήτορες καὶ τῶν δημιουργῶν ὅσοι λέγονται εὑρετικοὶ εἶναι: πολὺ δὲ μεγίστη, ἔφη, καὶ καλλίστη τῆς φρονήσεως ἡ περὶ τὰ τῶν πόλεών τε καὶ οἰκήσεων διακόσμησις, ᾗ δὴ ὄνομά ἐστι σωφροσύνη τε καὶ δικαιοσύνη--τούτων δ’ αὖ ὅταν τις ἐκ
[208c] ‘Really, can this in truth be so, most wise Diotima?’ “Whereat she, like the professors in their glory: ‘Be certain of it, Socrates; only glance at the ambition of the men around you, and you will have to wonder at the unreasonableness of what I have told you, unless you are careful to consider how singularly they are affected with the love of winning a name, “and laying up fame immortal for all time to come.”1 For this, even more than for their children, they are ready to run all risks, to expend money, [208d] perform any kind of task, and sacrifice their lives. Do you suppose,’ she asked, ‘that Alcestis would have died for Admetus, or Achilles have sought death on the corpse of Patroclus, or your own Codrus have welcomed it to save the children of his queen, if they had not expected to win “a deathless memory for valor,” which now we keep? Of course not. I hold it is for immortal distinction and [208e] for such illustrious renown as this that they all do all they can, and so much the more in proportion to their excellence. They are in love with what is immortal. Now those who are teeming in body betake them rather to women, and are amorous on this wise: by getting children they acquire an immortality, a memorial, and a state of bliss, which in their imagining they “for all succeeding time procure.”
[Trans. Harold N. Fowler. Text and translation from Perseus. Plato lived c. 429-347 BC.]
11. Demon FGH 327 F 22 = Photius Lexicon s.v. eugenesteros Kodrou
εὐγενέστερος Κόδρου· τοῦ υἱοῦ Μελάνθου τοῦ Μεσσηνίου, πατρὸς δὲ Μέδοντος καὶ Νείλεω. οὗτος ὁ Κόδρος Δωριέων ἐπιστρατευσάντων Ἀθηναίοις, ἐπεὶ τοὺς ἐκ Πελοποννήσου φυγάδας ἐδέξα<ν>το, ἐν οἷς καὶ Μέλανθον, χρησμοῦ δ’ αὐτοῖς δοθέντος αἱήσειν τὴν πόλιν, ἐὰν ἀπόσχωνται τοῦ τῶν πολεμίων βασιλέως, νοήσας τὸν χρησμόν, ἀναλαβὼν ὑλοτόμου εσθῆτα καὶ εντυχὼν τοῖς φύλαξι τῶν Δωριέων, ἕνα ἐξ αὐτῶν ανεῖλε· διοργισθέντες δὲ οἱ λοιποὶ συλλαβόντες αὐτὸν ανεῖλον, ὡς Δήμων.
More noble than Codrus. The son of Melanthus of Messene, father of Medon and Neleus. This Codrus -- when the Dorians were making war against the Athenians (after they received the exiles from the Peloponnese, among whom was Melanthus) and when an oracle was given to the Dorians that they would sack the city, if they would not harm the king of their enemies – when he had learned of the oracle, he put on the clothes of a woodsman and chancing upon some guards of the Dorians, he killed one of them; and the rest of the guards, capturing him, killed him in a rage, as Demon writes.
[My trans. Text from FGH. Demon, author of an Atthis, fl. c. 300 BC.]
XLVIII. adfertur etiam de Sileno fabella quaedam: qui cum a Mida captus esset, hoc ei muneris pro sua missione dedisse scribitur: docuisse regem non nasci homini longe optimum esse, proximum autem quam primum mori.
115 qua est sententia in Cresphonte usus Euripedes: 'Nam nos decebat coetus celebrantis domum Lugere, ubi esset aliquis in lucem editus, Humanae vitae varia reputantis mala; At, qui labores morte finisset gravis, Hunc omni amicos laude et laetitia exsequi.' simile quiddam est in Consolatione Crantoris: ait enim Terinaeum quendam Elysium, cum graviter filii mortem maereret, venisse in psychomantium quaerentem, quae fuisset tantae calamitatis causa; huic in tabellis tris huius modi versiculos datos: 'Igraris homines in vita mentibus errant: Euthynous potitur fatorum numine leto. Sic fuit utilius finiri ipsique tibique.'
116 his et talibus auctoribus usi confirmant causam rebus a diis inmortalibus iudicatam. Alcidamas quidem, rhetor antiquus in primis nobilis, acripsit etima laudationem mortis, quae constat ex enumeratione humanorum malorum; cui rationes eae quae exquisitius a philosophis colliguntur defuerunt, ubertas orationis non defuit. Clarae vero mortes pro patria oppetitae non solum gloriosae rhetoribus, sed etiam beatae videri solent. repetunt ab Erechtheo, cuius etiam filiae cupide mortem expetiverunt pro vita civium; <commemorant> Codrum, qui se in medios inmisit hostis veste famulari, ne posset adgnosci, si esset ornatu regio, quod oraculum erat datum, si rex interfectus esset, victrices Athenas fore; Menoeceus non praetermittitur, qui item oraculo edito largitus est patriae suum sanguinem; <nam> Iphigenia Aulide duci se immolandam iubet, ut hostium elicatur suo. veniunt inde ad propiora: XLIX. Harmodius in ore est et Aristogiton; Lacedaemonius Leonidas, Thebanus Epaminondas viget. nostros non norunt, quos enumerare magnum est: ita sunt multi, quibus videmus optabilis mortes fuisse cum gloria.
XLVIII. There is also a story told of Silenus, who, when taken prisoner by Midas, is said to have made him this present for his ransom--namely, that he informed him that never to have been born was by far the greatest blessing that could happen to man; and that the next best thing was to die very soon; which very opinion Euripides makes use of in his Cresphontes, saying,
When man is born, 'tis fit, with solemn show,
We speak our sense of his approaching woe;
With other gestures and a different eye,
Proclaim our pleasure when he's bid to die.
There is something like this in Crantor's Consolation; for he says that Terinaesus of Elysia, when he was bitterly lamenting the loss of his son, came to a place of divination to be informed why he was visited with so great affliction, and received in his tablet these three verses:
Thou fool, to murmur at Euthynous' death!
The blooming youth to fate resigns his breath:
The fate, whereon your happiness depends,
At once the parent and the son befriends.
these and similar authorities they affirm that the question has been determined
by the Gods. Nay, more; Alcidamas, an ancient rhetorician of the very highest
reputation, wrote even in praise of death, which he endeavored to establish by
an enumeration of the evils of life; and his Dissertation has a great deal of
eloquence in it; but he was unacquainted with the more refined arguments of the
philosophers. By the orators, indeed, to die for our country is always
considered not only as glorious, but even as happy: they go back as far as
Erechtheus, whose very daughters underwent death,
for the safety of their fellow-citizens: they instance Codrus, who threw himself into the midst of his enemies, dressed like a
common man, that his royal robes might not betray him, because the oracle had
declared the Athenians conquerors, if their king was slain. Menoeceus is not overlooked by them, who, in compliance
with the injunctions of an oracle, freely shed his blood for his country.
Iphigenia ordered herself to be conveyed to
[Trans. C. D. Yonge, from Project Gutenberg.
Text from http://www.thelatinlibrary.com/cicero/tusc.shtml.
13. Oval Glass
A bearded head; the inscription is on a band around the head.
[LIMC #2. Dated c. 50 BC.]
14. Strabo Geography 7.7.1
VII. τὰ μὲν οὖν ἀφοριζόμενα ἔθνη τῷ τε Ἴστρῳ καὶ τοῖς Ἰλλυρικοῖς ὄρεσι καὶ Θρᾳκίοις ταῦτ’ ἔστιν ὧν ἄξιον μνησθῆναι, κατέχοντα τὴν Ἀδριατικὴν παραλίαν πᾶσαν ἀπὸ τοῦ μυχοῦ ἀρξάμενα, καὶ τὴν τὰ ἀριστερὰ τοῦ Πόντου λεγομένην ἀπὸ Ἴστρου ποταμοῦ μέχρι Βυζαντίου. λοιπὰ δέ ἐστι τὰ νότια μέρη τῆς λεχθείσης ὀρεινῆς καὶ ἑξῆς τὰ ὑποπίπτοντα χωρία, ἐν οἷς ἐστιν ἥ τε Ἑλλὰς καὶ ἡ προσεχὴς βάρβαρος μέχρι τῶν ὀρῶν. Ἑκαταῖος μὲν οὖν ὁ Μιλήσιος περὶ τῆς Πελοποννήσου φησὶν διότι πρὸ τῶν Ἑλλήνων ᾤκησαν αὐτὴν βάρβαροι. σχεδὸν δέ τι καὶ ἡ σύμπασα Ἑλλὰς κατοικία βαρβάρων ὑπῆρξε τὸ παλαιόν, ἀπ’ αὐτῶν λογιζομένοις τῶν μνημονευομένων, Πέλοπος μὲν ἐκ τῆς Φρυγίας ἐπαγαγομένου λαοὺς εἰς τὴν ἀπ’ αὐτοῦ κληθεῖσαν Πελοπόννησον, Δαναοῦ δὲ ἐξ Αἰγύπτου, Δρυόπων τε καὶ Καυκώνων καὶ Πελασγῶν καὶ Λελέγων καὶ ἄλλων τοιούτων κατανειμαμένων τὰ ἐντὸς Ἰσθμοῦ καὶ τὰ ἐκτὸς δέ: τὴν μὲν γὰρ Ἀττικὴν οἱ μετὰ Εὐμόλπου Θρᾷκες ἔσχον, τῆς δὲ Φωκίδος τὴν Δαυλίδα Τηρεύς, τὴν δὲ Καδμείαν οἱ μετὰ Κάδμου Φοίνικες, αὐτὴν δὲ τὴν Βοιωτίαν Ἄονες καὶ Τέμμικες καὶ Ὕαντες: ὡς δὲ Πίνδαρός φησιν,
ἦν ὅτε σύας Βοιώτιον ἔθνος ἔνεπον.
1 καὶ ἀπὸ τῶν ὀνομάτων δὲ ἐνίων τὸ βάρβαρον ἐμφαίνεται, Κέκροψ καὶ Κόδρος καὶ Ἄικλος καὶ Κόθος καὶ Δρύμας καὶ Κρίνακος. οἱ δὲ Θρᾷκες καὶ Ἰλλυριοὶ καὶ Ἠπειρῶται καὶ μέχρι νῦν ἐν πλευραῖς εἰσιν: ἔτι μέντοι μᾶλλον πρότερον ἢ νῦν, ὅπου γε καὶ τῆς ἐν τῷ παρόντι Ἑλλάδος ἀναντιλέκτως οὔσης τὴν πολλὴν οἱ βάρβαροι ἔχουσι, Μακεδονίαν μὲν Θρᾷκες καί τινα μέρη τῆς Θετταλίας, Ἀκαρνανίας δὲ καὶ Αἰτωλίας [τὰ] ἄνω Θεσπρωτοὶ καὶ Κασσωπαῖοι καὶ Ἀμφίλοχοι καὶ Μολοττοὶ καὶ Ἀθαμᾶνες, Ἠπειρωτικὰ ἔθνη.
THESE are the nations, bounded by the
The southern parts of the above-mentioned
mountainous tract, and the countries which follow, lying below it, remain to be
described. Among these are
Hecatæus of Miletus says of the
‘there was a time when the Bœotian people were called Syes.’
show their barbarous origin, as Cecrops, Codrus, Œclus, Cothus, Drymas, and
Crinacus. Thracians, Illyrians, and Epirotæ are settled even at present on
the sides of
[Trans. H. L. Jones. Text and translation from Perseus. Strabo lived from 64/63 BC to AD 21 at least, per the OCD.]
15. Strabo Geography 9.1.7
 μετὰ δὲ τὴν τῶν Ἡρακλειδῶν κάθοδον καὶ τὸν τῆς χώρας μερισμὸν ὑπ’ αὐτῶν καὶ τῶν συγκατελθόντων αὐτοῖς Δωριέων ἐκπεσεῖν τῆς οἰκείας συνέβη πολλοὺς εἰς τὴν Ἀττικήν, ὧν ἦν καὶ ὁ τῆς Μεσσήνης βασιλεὺς Μέλανθος: οὗτος δὲ καὶ τῶν Ἀθηναίων ἐβασίλευσεν ἑκόντων, νικήσας ἐκ μονομαχίας τὸν τῶν Βοιωτῶν βασιλέα Ξάνθον. εὐανδρούσης δὲ τῆς Ἀττικῆς διὰ τοὺς φυγάδας φοβηθέντες οἱ Ἡρακλεῖδαι, παροξυνόντων αὐτοὺς μάλιστα τῶν ἐν Κορίνθῳ καὶ τῶν ἐν Μεσσήνῃ, τῶν μὲν διὰ τὴν γειτνίασιν, τῶν δὲ ὅτι Κόδρος τῆς Ἀττικῆς ἐβασίλευε τότε ὁ τοῦ Μελάνθου παῖς, ἐστράτευσαν ἐπὶ τὴν Ἀττικήν: ἡττηθέντες δὲ μάχῃ τῆς μὲν ἄλλης ἐξέστησαν γῆς, τὴν Μεγαρικὴν δὲ κατέσχον καὶ τήν τε πόλιν ἔκτισαν τὰ Μέγαρα καὶ τοὺς ἀνθρώπους Δωριέας ἀντὶ Ἰώνων ἐποίησαν: ἠφάνισαν δὲ καὶ τὴν στήλην τὴν ὁρίζουσαν τούς τε Ἴωνας καὶ τοὺς Πελοποννησίους.  πολλαῖς δὲ κέχρηται μεταβολαῖς ἡ τῶν Μεγαρέων πόλις, συμμένει δ’ ὅμως μέχρι νῦν. ἔσχε δέ ποτε καὶ φιλοσόφων διατριβὰς τῶν προσαγορευθέντων Μεγαρικῶν, Εὐκλείδην διαδεξαμένων ἄνδρα Σωκρατικόν, Μεγαρέα τὸ γένος: καθάπερ καὶ Φαίδωνα μὲν τὸν Ἠλεῖον οἱ Ἠλειακοὶ διεδέξαντο, καὶ τοῦτον Σωκρατικόν, ὧν ἦν καὶ Πύρρων, Μενέδημον δὲ τὸν Ἐρετριέα οἱ Ἐρετρικοί. ἔστι δ’ ἡ χώρα τῶν Μεγαρέων παράλυπρος καθάπερ καὶ ἡ Ἀττική, καὶ τὸ πλέον αὐτῆς ἐπέχει τὰ καλούμενα Ὄνεια ὄρη, ῥάχις τις μηκυνομένη μὲν ἀπὸ τῶν Σκιρωνίδων πετρῶν ἐπὶ τὴν Βοιωτίαν καὶ τὸν Κιθαιρῶνα, διείργουσα δὲ τὴν κατὰ Νίσαιαν θάλατταν ἀπὸ τῆς κατ[ὰ τὰς Παγὰς] Ἀλκυονίδος προσαγορευομένης.
(6) Besides, the Peloponnesians and Ionians having had frequent disputes respecting their boundaries, on which Crommyonia also was situated, assembled and agreed upon a spot of the Isthmus itself, on which they erected a pillar having an inscription on the part towards Peloponnesus,
THIS IS PELOPONNESUS, NOT
and on the side towards
THIS IS NOT PELOPONNESUS, BUT
Although those, who wrote on the history of Attica10 differ in many respects, yet those of any note
agree in this, that when there were four Pandionidæ, Ægeus, Lycus, Pallas, and
Nisus; and when
Since, then, different writers give different accounts of the division of the country into four parts, it is enough to adduce these lines from Sophocles where Ægeus says, `My father determined that I should go away to Acte, having assigned to me, as the elder, the best part of the land; to Lycus, the opposite garden of Eubœa; for Nisus he selects the irregular tract of the shore of Sciron; and the rugged Pallas, breeder of giants, obtained by lot the part to the south.’12 Such are the proofs which are adduced to show that Megaris was a part of Attica.
(7) After the return of the Heraclidæ, and the partition of
the country, many of the former possessors were banished from their own land by
the Heraclidæ, and by the Dorians, who came with them, and migrated to
[Trans. H. L. Jones. Text and translation from Perseus. Strabo lived from 64/63 BC to AD 21 at least, per the OCD.]
16. Strabo Geography 14.1.3
 ταύτης δέ φησι Φερεκύδης Μίλητον μὲν καὶ Μυοῦντα καὶ τὰ περὶ Μυκάλην καὶ Ἔφεσον Κᾶρας ἔχειν πρότερον, τὴν δ' ἑξῆς παραλίαν μέχρι Φωκαίας καὶ Χίον καὶ Σάμον, ἧς Ἀγκαῖος ἦρχε, Λέλεγας: ἐκβληθῆναι δ' ἀμφοτέρους ὑπὸ τῶν Ἰώνων καὶ εἰς τὰ λοιπὰ μέρη τῆς Καρίας ἐκπεσεῖν. ἄρξαι δέ φησιν Ἄνδροκλον τῆς τῶν Ἰώνων ἀποικίας, ὕστερον τῆς Αἰολικῆς, υἱὸν γνήσιον Κόδρου τοῦ Ἀθηνῶν βασιλέως, γενέσθαι δὲ τοῦτον Ἐφέσου κτίστην. διόπερ τὸ βασίλειον τῶν Ἰώνων ἐκεῖ συστῆναί φασι, καὶ ἔτι νῦν οἱ ἐκ τοῦ γένους ὀνομάζονται βασιλεῖς ἔχοντές τινας τιμάς, προεδρίαν τε ἐν ἀγῶσι καὶ πορφύραν ἐπίσημον τοῦ βασιλικοῦ γένους, σκίπωνα ἀντὶ σκήπτρου, καὶ τὰ ἱερὰ τῆς Ἐλευσινίας Δήμητρος. καὶ Μίλητον δ' ἔκτισεν Νηλεὺς ἐκ Πύλου τὸ γένος ὤν: οἵ τε Μεσσήνιοι καὶ οἱ Πύλιοι συγγένειάν τινα προσποιοῦνται, καθ' ἣν καὶ Μεσσήνιον τὸν Νέστορα οἱ νεώτεροί φασι ποιηταί, καὶ τοῖς περὶ Μέλανθον τὸν Κόδρου πατέρα πολλοὺς καὶ τῶν Πυλίων συνεξᾶραί φασιν εἰς τὰς Ἀθήνας: τοῦτον δὴ πάντα τὸν λαὸν μετὰ τῶν Ἰώνων κοινῇ στεῖλαι τὴν ἀποικίαν: τοῦ δὲ Νηλέως ἐπὶ τῷ Ποσειδίῳ βωμὸς ἵδρυμα δείκνυται. Κυδρῆλος δὲ νόθος υἱὸς Κόδρου Μυοῦντα κτίζει: Ἀνδρόπομπος δὲ Λέβεδον καταλαβόμενος τόπον τινὰ Ἄρτιν: Κολοφῶνα δ' Ἀνδραίμων Πύλιος, ὥς φησι καὶ Μίμνερμος ἐν Ναννοῖ: Πριήνην δ' Αἴπυτος ὁ Νηλέως, εἶθ' ὕστερον Φιλωτᾶς ἐκ Θηβῶν λαὸν ἀγαγών: Τέω δὲ Ἀθάμας μὲν πρότερον, διόπερ Ἀθαμαντίδα καλεῖ αὐτὴν Ἀνακρέων, κατὰ δὲ τὴν Ἰωνικὴν ἀποικίαν Ναῦκλος υἱὸς Κόδρου νόθος, καὶ μετὰ τοῦτον Ἄποικος καὶ Δάμασος Ἀθηναῖοι καὶ Γέρης ἐκ Βοιωτῶν: Ἐρυθρὰς δὲ Κνῶπος, καὶ οὗτος υἱὸς Κόδρου νόθος: Φώκαιαν δ' οἱ μετὰ Φιλογένους Ἀθηναῖοι: Κλαζομενὰς δὲ Πάραλος: Χίον δὲ Ἐγέρτιος, σύμμικτον ἐπαγαγόμενος πλῆθος: Σάμον δὲ Τεμβρίων, εἶθ' ὕστερον Προκλῆς.
 Pherecydes says concerning this seaboard that
Miletus and Myus and the parts round Mycale and Ephesus were in earlier times
occupied by Carians, and that the coast next thereafter, as far as Phocaea and
Chios and Samos, which were ruled by Ancaeus, was occupied by Leleges, but that
both were driven out by the Ionians and took refuge in the remaining parts of Caria.
He says that Androclus, legitimate son of Codrus the king of
[Trans. H. L. Jones. Text and translation from Perseus. Strabo lived from 64/63 BC to AD 21 at least, per the OCD.]
ΣΩΜΑΔΥΠΑΚΡΟΠΟΛΗΙΦΕΡΩΝΤΑΡΧΥΣΕΝ[ΑΘΗΝΣ or ΑΘΗΝΕΩΝ
Κόδρου τοῦτο πέσημα Μελανθείδαο [ἄνακτος,
ξεῖνε, τὸ καὶ μεγάλην Ἀσίδα τειχίσατ[ο.
σῶμα δ’ ὑπ’ ἀκροπολῆι φέρων τάρχυσεν [Ἀθήνης or Ἀθηνέων
λαός ἐς ἀθανάτους δόξαν ἀειράμε[νος]. [in Toepffer 233: ἀειραμέ[νου.]
Here is where king Codrus son of Melanthus fell,
stranger, a death which also fortified great
And the people of
raising his glory to the immortals.
[My trans. See Pausanias Description
18. Pompeius Trogus = Justin Epitome ii. 6
6,1 Nunc quoniam
ad bella Atheniensium uentum est, quae non modo ultra spem gerendi, uerum etiam
ultra gesti fidem peracta sunt, operaque Atheniensium effectu maiora quam uoto
fuere. paucis urbis origo repetenda est, 2 et quia non, ut ceterae gentes, a
sordidis initiis ad summa creuere. 3 Soli enim, praeterquam incremento, etiam
origine gloriantur ; 4 quippe non aduenae neque passim collecta populi
conluuies originem urbi dedit, sed eodem innati solo, quod incolunt, et quae
illis sedes, eadem origo est. 5 Primi lanificii et olei et uini usum docuere.
Arare quoque ac serere frumenta glande uescentibus monstrarunt. 6 Litterae
certe ac facundia et hic ciuilis disciplinae ordo ueluti templum Athenas
habent. 7 Ante Deucalionis tempora regem habuere Cecropem, quem, ut omnis
antiquitas fabulosa est, biformem tradidere, quia primus marem feminae matrimonio
iunxit. 8 Huic successit Cranaus, cuius filia Atthis nomen regioni dedit. 9
Post hunc Amphictyonides regnauit, qui primus Mineruae urbem sacrauit et nomen
ciuitati Athenas dedit. 10 Huius temporibus aquarum inluuies maiorem partem
populorum Graeciae absumpsit. 11 Superfuerunt, quos refugia montium receperunt,
aut ad regem Thessaliae Deucalionem ratibus euecti sunt, a quo propterea genus
hominum conditum dicitur. 12 Per ordinem deinde successionis regnum ad
Erechtheum descendit, sub quo frumenti satio est Eleusini a Triptolemo reperta,
13 in cuius muneris honorem noctes initiorum sacratae. 14 Tenuit et Aegeus,
Thesei pater, Athenis regnum, a quo per diuortium discedens Medea propter
adultam priuigni aetatem Colchos cum Medo filio ex Aegeo suscepto concessit. 15
Post Aegeum Theseus ac deinceps Thesei filius Demophoon, qui auxilium Graecis
aduersus Troianos tulit, regnum possedit. 16 Erant inter Athenienses et Dorienses simultatium ueteres offensae quas uindicaturi
7,1 Post Codrum nemo Athenis regnauit, quod memoriae nominis eius tributum est. 2 Administratio rei publicae annuis magistratibus permissa. 3 Sed ciuitati nullae tunc leges erant, quia libido regum pro legibus habebatur. 4 Legitur itaque Solon, uir iustitiae insignis, qui uelut nouam ciuitatem legibus conderet. 5 Qui tanto temperamento inter plebem senatumque egit - cum, si quid pro altero ordine tulisset, alteri displiciturum uideretur -, ut ab utrisque parem gratiam traheret. 6 Huius uiri inter multa egregia et illud memorabile fuit : 7 inter Athenienses et Megarenses de proprietate Salaminae insulae prope usque interitum armis dimicatum fuerat. 8 Post multas clades capital esse apud Athenienses coepit, si quis legem de uindicanda insula tulisset. 9 Sollicitus igitur Solon, ne aut tacendo parum rei publicae consuleret aut censendo sibi, subitam dementiam simulat, 10 cuius uenia non dicturus modo prohibita, sed et facturus erat. 11 Deformis habitu, more uaecordium in publicum euolat factoque concursu hominum, quo magis consilium dissimulet insolitis sibi uersibus suadere populo coepit quod uetabatur, 12 omniumque animos ita cepit, ut extemplo bellum aduersus Megarenses decerneretur insulaque, deuictis hostibus, Atheniensium fieret.
VI. Since we have now come to the wars of the Athenians,
which were carried on, not only beyond expectation as to what could be done,
but even beyond belief as to what was done, the efforts of that people having
been successful beyond their hopes, the origin of their city must be briefly
set forth; for they did not, like other nations, rise to eminence from a mean
commencement, but are the only people that can boast, not only of their rise,
but also of their birth. It was not a concourse of foreigners, or a rabble of
people collected from different parts, that raised their city, but men who were
born on the same ground which they inhabit; and the country which is their
place of abode, was also their birthplace. It was they who first taught 39 the
art of working iri wool, and the use of oil and wine. They also showed men, who
had previously fed on acorns, how to plough and sow. Literature and eloquence,
it is certain, and the state of civil discipline which we enjoy, had
VII. After Codrus there was no
[Translation by John Selby Watson at http://www.vitaphone.org/history/justin.html. Text from Marcus Junianus Justinus, Abrégé des Histoires Philippiques de Trogue Pompée. texte établi et traduit par Marie-Pierre Arnaud-Lindet, at http://www.forumromanum.org/literature/justin/.]
[Harry Thurston Peck, Harpers Dictionary of Classical Antiquities (1898), at Perseus, writes that “Justin (Junianus Justinus), Roman historian, probably lived during the age of the Antonines. Of his personal history nothing is known. He is the author of Historiarum Philippicarum libri XLIV., a work described by himself in his preface as a collection of the most important and interesting passages from the voluminous Historiae philippicae et tolius mundi origines et terrac situs, written in the time of Augustus by Pompeius Trogus.”]
19. Horace Carmina III. 19. 2.
Quantum distet ab Inacho
Codrus pro patria non timidus mori
narras et genus Aeaci
et pugnata sacro bella sub Ilio:
What the time from Inachus
To Codrus, who in patriot battle fell,
Who were sprung from Aeacus,
And how men fought at
[Trans. John Conington. Translation and text from Perseus. Literally, “To Codrus, who was not afraid to die for his country.” Horace lived 65-8 BC.]
Paterculus History of
tempestate distractus a duce suo Nestore Metapontum condidit. Teucer,
non receptus a patre Telamone ob
segnitiam non vindicatae fratris iniuriae, Cyprum adpulsus cognominem patriae
suae Salamina constituit: Pyrrhus, Achillis filius, Epirum occupavit, Phidippus
Ephyram in Thesprotia. 2 At rex regum Agamemnon, tempestate in Cretam
insulam reiectus, tres ibi urbes statuit, duas a patriae nomine, unam a
victoriae memoria, Mycenas, Tegeam,
 Tum fere anno octogesimo post Troiam captam, centesimo et vicesimo quam Hercules ad deos excesserat, Pelopis progenies, quae omni hoc tempore pulsis Heraclidis Peloponnesi imperium obtinuerat, ab Herculis progenie expellitur. Duces recuperandi impeii fuere Temenus, Cresphontes, Aristodemus, quorum abavus fuerat. Eodem fere tempore Athenae sub regibus esse desierunt, quarum ultimus rex fuit Codrus, Melanthi filius, vir non praetereundus. Quippe cum Lacedaemonii gravi bello Atticos premerent respondissetque Pythius, quorum dux ab hoste esset occisus, eos futuros superiores, deposita veste regia pastoralem cultum induit, immixtusque castris hostium, de industria rixam ciens, imprudenter interemptus est. 2 Codrum cum morte aeterna gloria, Atheniensis secuta victoria est. Quis eum non miretur, qui iis artibus mortem quaesierit, quibus ab ignavis vita quaeri solet? Huius filius Medon primus archon Athenis fuit. Ab hoc posten apud Atticos dicti Medontidae, sed hic insequentesque archontes usque ad Charopem, dum viverent, eum honorem usurpabant, Peloponnesii digredientes finibus Atticis Megara, mediam Corintho Athenisque urbem, condidere. 3 Ea tempestate et Tyria classis, plurimum pollens mari, in ultimo Hispaniae tractu, in extremo nostri orbis termino, in insula circumfusa Oceano, perexiguo a continenti divisa freto, Gadis condidit. Ab iisdem post paucos annos in Africa Utica condita est. Exclusi ab Heraclidis Orestis liberi iactatique cum variis casibus tum saevitia maris quinto decimo anno sedem cepere circa Lesbum insulam.
separated by a storm from Nestor, his chief, founded
Agamemnon was soon afterwards struck down and slain by the infamous crime of
Aegisthus, his cousin, who still kept up against him the feud of his house, and
by the wicked act of his wife. Aegisthus maintained possession of the kingdom
for seven years. Orestes slew Aegisthus and his own mother, seconded in all his
plans by his sister Electra, a woman with the courage of a man. That his deed
had the approval of the gods was made clear by the length of his life and the
felicity of his reign, since he lived ninety years and reigned
seventy. Furthermore, he also took revenge upon Pyrrhus the son of Achilles in
fair fight, for he slew him at
About this time two brothers, Lydus and Tyrrhenus, were joint kings in
After the death of Orestes his sons Penthilus and Tisamenus reigned for three years.
eighty years after the capture of
It was about this time that
About this time, also, the fleet of
The sons of Orestes, expelled by the Heraclidae, were driven about by many
vicissitudes and by raging storms at sea, and, in the fifteenth year, finally
settled on and about the
[Trans. by Frederick W. Shipley. Text from http://www.thelatinlibrary.com/vell.html.. Velleius Paterculus was born ca. 19 BC and died ca. 31 AD.]
21. Plutarch On Exile 607B
Κόδρος δὲ τίνος ὢν ἐβασίλευσεν; οὐ Μελάνθου, φυγάδος ἐκ Μεσσήνης;
Whose son was Codrus, who became king? Was it not of Melanthus, an exile from Messenê?
[Text and trans. from Philip H. de Lacy and Benedict Einarson, LCL, vol. VII of Plutarch’s Moralia. Plutarch lived c. 46-127 AD.]
 ταῦτα μὲν οὕτω γενέσθαι λέγουσι: ποταμοὶ δὲ Ἀθηναίοις ῥέουσιν Ἰλισός τε καὶ Ἠριδανῷ τῷ Κελτικῷ κατὰ τὰ αὐτὰ ὄνομα ἔχων, ἐκδιδοὺς ἐς τὸν Ἰλισόν. ὁ δὲ Ἰλισός ἐστιν οὗτος, ἔνθα παίζουσαν Ὠρείθυιαν ὑπὸ ἀνέμου Βορέου φασὶν ἁρπασθῆναι: καὶ συνοικεῖν Ὠρειθυίᾳ Βορέαν καί σφισι διὰ τὸ κῆδος ἀμύναντα τῶν τριήρων τῶν βαρβαρικῶν ἀπολέσαι τὰς πολλάς. ἐθέλουσι δὲ Ἀθηναῖοι καὶ ἄλλων θεῶν ἱερὸν εἶναι τὸν Ἰλισόν, καὶ Μουσῶν βωμὸς ἐπ’ αὐτῷ ἐστιν Ἰλισιάδων: δείκνυται δὲ καὶ ἔνθα Πελοποννήσιοι Κόδρον τὸν Μελάνθου βασιλεύοντα Ἀθηναίων κτείνουσι.  διαβᾶσι δὲ τὸν Ἰλισὸν χωρίον Ἄγραι καλούμενον καὶ ναὸς Ἀγροτέρας ἐστὶν Ἀρτέμιδος: ἐνταῦθα Ἄρτεμιν πρῶτον θηρεῦσαι λέγουσιν ἐλθοῦσαν ἐκ Δήλου, καὶ τὸ ἄγαλμα διὰ τοῦτο ἔχει τόξον. τὸ δὲ ἀκούσασι μὲν οὐχ ὁμοίως ἐπαγωγόν, θαῦμα δ’ ἰδοῦσι, στάδιόν ἐστι λευκοῦ λίθου. μέγεθος δὲ αὐτοῦ τῇδε ἄν τις μάλιστα τεκμαίροιτο: ἄνωθεν ὄρος ὑπὲρ τὸν Ἰλισὸν ἀρχόμενον ἐκ μηνοειδοῦς καθήκει τοῦ ποταμοῦ πρὸς τὴν ὄχθην εὐθύ τε καὶ διπλοῦν. τοῦτο ἀνὴρ Ἀθηναῖος Ἡρώδης ᾠκοδόμησε, καί οἱ τὸ πολὺ τῆς λιθοτομίας τῆς Πεντελῆσιν ἐς τὴν οἰκοδομὴν ἀνηλώθη.
XIX. Close to the
 Concerning the district called The Gardens, and the
temple of Aphrodite, there is no story that is told by them, nor yet about the
Aphrodite which stands near the temple. Now the shape of it is square, like
that of the Hermae, and the inscription declares that the Heavenly Aphrodite is
the oldest of those called Fates. But the statue of Aphrodite in the Gardens is
the work of Alcamenes, and one of the most note worthy
 There is also the place called Cynosarges, sacred to Heracles; the story of the white dog1 may be known by reading the oracle. There are altars of Heracles and Hebe, who they think is the daughter of Zeus and wife to Heracles. An altar has been built to Alcmena and to Iolaus, who shared with Heracles most of his labours. The Lyceum has its name from Lycus, the son of Pandion, but it was considered sacred to Apollo from the be ginning down to my time, and here was the god first named Lyceus. There is a legend that the Termilae also, to whom Lycus came when he fled from Aegeus, were called Lycii after him.
 Behind the Lyceum is a
 Such is the legend. The rivers that flow through
Athenian territory are the Ilisus and its tributary the Eridanus, whose name is
the same as that of the Celtic river. This Ilisus is the river by which
Oreithyia was playing when, according to the story, she was carried off by the
North Wind. With Oreithyia he lived in wedlock, and be cause of the tie between
him and the Athenians he helped them by destroying most of the foreigners’
warships. The Athenians hold that the Ilisus is sacred to other deities as
well, and on its bank is an altar of the Ilisian Muses. The place too is pointed out where the Peloponnesians killed Codrus,
son of Melanthus and king of
 Across the Ilisus is a district called Agrae and a
[Trans. W. H. S. Jones and H. A. Ormerod. Text and translation from Perseus. See Grave Monument at Kerameikos, above. Pausanias fl. c. 150 AD.]
23. Pausanias Description of
2] ταῦτα Ἕλλησιν ἦλθεν ἐς μνήμην, ὅτε ἀφίκοντο ἐπὶ Ἀθήνας Πελοποννήσιοι, τότε Κόδρου τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις τοῦ Μελάνθου βασιλεύοντος. ὁ μὲν δὴ ἄλλος στρατὸς τῶν Πελοποννησίων ἀπεχώρησεν ἐκ τῆς Ἀττικῆς, ἐπειδὴ ἐπύθοντο τοῦ Κόδρου τὴν τελευτὴν καὶ ὅντινα ἐγένετο αὐτῷ τρόπον: οὐ γὰρ εἶναι νίκην ἔτι σφίσι κατὰ τὸ ἐκ Δελφῶν μάντευμα ἤλπιζον: Λακεδαιμονίων δὲ ἄνδρες γενόμενοι μὲν ἐντὸς τείχους λανθάνουσιν ἐν τῇ νυκτί, ἅμα δὲ ἡμέρᾳ τούς τε ἑαυτῶν ἀπεληλυθότας αἰσθάνονται καὶ ἀθροιζομένων ἐπ’ αὐτοὺς τῶν Ἀθηναίων καταφεύγουσιν ἐς τὸν Ἄρειον πάγον καὶ ἐπὶ τῶν θεῶν αἳ Σεμναὶ καλοῦνται τοὺς βωμούς.
 Ἀθηναῖοι δὲ τότε μὲν διδόασι τοῖς ἱκέταις ἀπελθεῖν ἀζημίοις, χρόνῳ δὲ ὕστερον αὐτοὶ οἱ ἔχοντες τὰς ἀρχὰς διέφθειραν τῆς Ἀθηνᾶς ἱκέτας τῶν Κύλωνι ὁμοῦ τὴν ἀκρόπολιν κατειληφότων: καὶ αὐτοί τε <οἱ> ἀποκτείναντες ἐνομίσθησαν καὶ οἱ ἐξ ἐκείνων ἐναγεῖς τῆς θεοῦ. Λακεδαιμονίοις δέ, ἀποκτείνασι καὶ τούτοις ἄνδρας ἐς τὸ ἱερὸν καταπεφευγότας τὸ ἐπὶ Ταινάρῳ τοῦ Ποσειδῶνος, οὐ μετὰ πολὺ ἐσείσθη σφίσιν ἡ πόλις συνεχεῖ τε ὁμοῦ καὶ ἰσχυρῷ τῷ σεισμῷ, ὥστε οἰκίαν μηδεμίαν τῶν ἐν Λακεδαίμονι ἀντισχεῖν.
XXV. The disaster that befell Helice is but one of the
many proofs that the wrath of the God of Suppliants is inexorable. The god at
Consider the Areopagus, and the smoking altars
Of the Eumenides, where the Lacedaemonians are to be thy suppliants,
When hard-pressed in war. Kill them not with the sword,
And wrong not suppliants. For suppliants are sacred and holy.
 The Greeks were reminded of these words when Peloponnesians arrived at
 On this occasion the Athenians allowed the suppliants
to go away unharmed, but subsequently the magistrates themselves put to death
the suppliants of Athena, when Cylon and his supporters had seized the
Acropolis. So the slayers themselves and also their descendants were regarded
as accursed to the goddess. The Lacedaemonians too put to death men who had
taken refuge in the sanctuary of Poseidon at Taenarum. Presently their city was
shaken by an earthquake so continuous and violent that no house in
 The destruction of Helice occurred while Asteius was
still archon at
[Trans. W. H. S. Jones and H. A. Ormerod. Text and translation from Perseus.]
24. Pausanias Description of
καὶ ἤδη τὸ μετὰ τοῦτο ἐς ἀνδρῶν ἀγαθῶν φορὰν ἔληξεν ἡ Ἑλλάς. Μιλτιάδης μὲν γὰρ ὁ Κίμωνος τούς τε ἐς Μαραθῶνα ἀποβάντας τῶν βαρβάρων κρατήσας μάχῃ καὶ τοῦ πρόσω τὸν Μήδων ἐπισχὼν στόλον ἐγένετο εὐεργέτης πρῶτος κοινῇ τῆς Ἑλλάδος, Φιλοποίμην δὲ ὁ Κραύγιδος ἔσχατος: οἱ δὲ πρότερον Μιλτιάδου λαμπρὰ ἔργα ἀποδειξάμενοι, Κόδρος τε ὁ Μελάνθου καὶ ὁ Σπαρτιάτης Πολύδωρος καὶ Ἀριστομένης ὁ Μεσσήνιος καὶ εἰ δή τις ἄλλος, πατρίδας ἕκαστοι τὰς αὑτῶν καὶ οὐκ ἀθρόαν φανοῦνται τὴν Ἑλλάδα ὠφελήσαντες.
[Trans. W. H. S. Jones and H. A. Ormerod. Text and translation from Perseus.]
25. Aristides The Panathenaic Oration 87
Κόδρος δὲ ἐν τῷ πρὸς Δωριέας πολέμῳ καὶ Πελοποννησίους αυτὸς ἐθελοντὴς ὑπὲρ τῆς χώρας ἀποθανεῖν. . . . Κόδρῳ μὲν δοῦσα τὴν ἀρχὴν εἰς τοὺς παῖδας καὶ κοσμήσασα καὶ παρ’ αὐτῇ κἀν τῇ ὑπερορίᾳ τὸ γένος . . .
Erechtheus is said in this war against Eumolpus to have given his daughter on behalf of the city because of the god’s oracle; and her mother is said to have led her forth after adorning her as if for a festival. And Leos is said to have reached the same resolve, in a time of plague: to abandon his daughters. And Codrus is said in the war against the Dorians and Peloponnesians voluntarily to have died on behalf of his land. Therefore even those people who can tell of such acts of their fellow citizens can say nothing more than what you have done, but the city initiated such acts through its great and still more numerous examples, and no more could be done either publicly or privately.
(88) Then it has befallen to the city not to be inferiour to other peoples even in a single respect, nor when it defeated all the enemies whom I named, to have been deficient in gratitude to those who on its side made these resolves on its behalf. But it will also clearly have surpassed these in its benefits: in respect to Codrus by having given office to his sons and by having honored his race at home and abroad; and for the maidens by having established a temple for them and in honoring them by having thought them worthy of a divine instead of a mortal portion; and by having given Erechtheus a share in the ceremonies of the gods on the Acropolis.
[Trans. from Charles A. Behr, tr., P. Aelius Artistides The Complete Works, Vol. 1. Orations I-XVI (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1986), 22. Text from F. Lenz and C. Behr, eds., P. Aelii Artistidis Opera Quae Exstant Omnia, Volumen Primum (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1976). Artistides Aelius lived c. 117-181 AD.]
26. Diogenes Laertius Plato 1.
φασὶ δὲ καὶ τὸν πατέρα αὐτοῦ ἀνάγειν εἰς Κόδρον τὸν Μελάνθου, οἵτινες ἀπὸ Ποσειδῶνος ἱστοροῦνται κατὰ Θρασύλον.
His [Plato’s] father too is said to be in the direct line from Codrus, the son of Melanthus, and, according to Thrasylus, Codrus and Melanthus also trace their descent from Poseidon.
[Trans. and text from R. D. Hicks, LCL. Diogenes Laertius has been dated to the 3rd century AD.]
27. Anecdota Graeca (Bekker 1 192)
Περὶ Κόδρου: οἱ Πελοποννήσιοι, πολεμοῦντες Ἀθηναίοις, ἔλαβον χρησμὸν μὴ ἀποκτεῖναι Κόδρον τὸν βασιλέα. [?] οἱ δὲ πρὸ τοῦ τείχους φρυγανιζόμενον ἀπέκτειναν, καὶ ἀπέτυχον τῆς [?] νίκης.
On Codrus: The Peloponnesians, making war against the Athenians, received an oracle stating that they should not kill Codrus the king. But they killed him before the wall as he was gathering sticks, and so they lost their chance for victory.
[My trans. Text from Bekker.]
28. Zenobius Centuria IV, s.v. Eugenesteros Kodrou
Εὐγενέστερος Κόδρου: ὁ Κόδρος Μελάνθου υἱὸς ἦν· Μέλανθος δὲ ἕκτος ἀπὸ Νηλέως, οὗ καὶ Νέστωρ. Οὗτος ἐκπεσὼν τῆς Μεσσήνης ἦλθεν εἰς τὰς Ἀθήνας, καὶ μονομαχήσας πρὸς Ξάνθον τὸν Βοιωτὸν, βασιλεύοντα τῶν Ἀθηναίων, νικήσας ἐβασίλευσε τῶν Ἀθηναίων, καὶ Κόδρῳ τῷ υἱῷ τελευτήσας τὴν βασιλείαν κατέλιπεν. Ὁ δὲ Κόδρος οὗτος ἐν τῷ πρὸς Δωριέας πολέμῳ ἑκὼν ὑπὲρ τῆς χώρας ἀποθνήσκει. Προείρητο γὰρ ὑπὸ τοῦ θεοῦ τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις νικήσειν, εἴ γε τελευτήσειεν ὑπὸ τῶν Δωριέων ὁ βασιλεὺς αὐτῶν. Ἀποθανὼν δὲ ἐγκατέλιπε παῖδας δύο, Μέντορα καὶ Νηλέα. Ὁ μὲν οὖν Μέντωρ ἀντ’ αὐτοῦ ἐβασίλευσεν· ὁ δὲ Νηλεὺς ἡγεμὼν τῆς εἰς τὴν Ἀσίαν ἀποικίας ἐγένετο.
More noble than Codrus: Codrus was the son of Melanthus. And
Melanthus was sixth from Neleus, from whom Nestor also descended. Melanthus,
having been banished from
[My trans. Text from E. L. Leutsch and F. G. Schneidewin, Paroemiographi Graeci, 2 vols. and supplementary volume (Göttingen 1887), 1.84.
of Caesarea Chronikon , translated,
with additions, by
1253/50 Minos mare obtinuit et Cretensibus leges dedit, ut paradius memorat, quod Plato falsum esse convincit.
1236 Accession of King Priam in succession to Laomedon.
Accession of Theseus at
1232 The Minotaur story (derived from Philochoros, Atthis II.)
1222 Theseus Helenam rapuit, quam rursus fratres receperunt capta matre Thesei, eo peregre profecto.
1220/19 Theseus cum Athenienses prius per regionem dispersos in unam civitatem congregasset, ignominiose eiectus est per signa testarum, eandem legem primus ipse constituens.
1216/15 Minos leges ac iura constituit
1212 Hercules agonem Olympiacum constituit, a quo usque ad primam Olympiadem supputantur anni CCCCXXX.
1207 Theseus Athenas profugus derelinquit.
Troia capta. [18th year of Agamemnon at
Menestheus moritur in Melo, regrediens a Troia.
Post quem Athenis regnavit Demophon. A primo anno Cecropis, qui primus aput Atticam regnavit, usque ad captivitatem Troiae et usque ad XXIII annum Menesthei, cuius Homerus meminit conputantur anni CCCLXXV.
1149 Secundum quosdam Heraclidarum descensus.
Accession of Oxyntes at
Second and last year of Aphidas, the fourteenth king of
[1136 -] Castoris de regno Athenensium: exponemus autem et Atheniensium reges cognomento Erechthidas a Cecrope Diphye usque ad Thymoeten, quorum omne tempus invenitur ann. CCCCXXVIIII. Post quos suscepit regnum Melanthus Pyliensis, Andropompi filius, et huius filius Codrus, qui imperarunt simul ann. LVIII.
1128 Erechthidarum imperio destructo Atticorum principum regnum ad aliud genus translatum est, cum Thymoetes provocasset Xanthus Boeotius et Thymoete recusante Melanthius Pyliensis Andropompi filius suscepisset singulare certamen ac deinde regnasset, hinc et Apatourion, id est fallaciarum sollemnitas celebratur quia victoria fraude processerit.
1101 in Lacedaemone regnavit primus Eurystheus ann XLII. Corinthi regnavit primus Aletes ann. XXXV.
 Heraclidarum descensus in Peloponnesum.
1090/85 Iones profugi Athenas se contulerunt.
1086/80 Peloponnenses contra Athenas dimicant.
1069 Post quem principes quos mors finiebat, quorum primus Medon, Codri filius ann. XX
[1069 ] Peloponnenses contra Athenas dimicant. Codrus iuxta responsum se ipsum morti tradens interimitur bello Peloponnensiaco. In quo Erechthidarum regnum destructum est, quod CCCCLXXXVII ann. perseveraverat.
1053 Magnesia in Asia condita.
1045 Ephesus condita ab Andronico
1036 Ionica emigratio, in qua quidam Homerum fuisse scribunt.
986 Samos condita et Zmyrna in urbis modum ampliata.
957 Corinthorum V Bacchis ann XXXV a quo Bacchidae reges cognominati
883 Lycurgus insignis habetur.
820 Thespieo Arifronis filio Athenis regnante. Assyriorum imperium deletum est.
798 Pheidon Argivus mensuras et pondera primus invenit.
797/794 Lycurgi leges in Lacedaemone iuxta sententiam Apollodori hac aetate susceptae.
1069 The Peloponnesians make war with
[My trans. Text from Rudolf Helm (ed.), Eusebius Werke, VII: Die Chronik des Hieronymus (
30. Isidore Of
THE FOURTH AGE OF THE WORLD
29. David ruled for forty years. Codrus, king of the Athenians, was killed as he voluntarily offered
himself to the enemy for the well-being of the country. And
30. Solomon ruled for forty years. He (began) building the
31. Rehoboam ruled for seventeen years. The
[Trans. Kenneth B. Wolf at http://www.history.pomona.edu/kbw/h100y/chronicon.htm,
from Patrologia Latina 83:1017-1058.
St. Isidore of
31. Tzetzes Chiliades Hist. 4-5, 170-199
Οὗτος ὁ Κόδρος εὐγενὴς οὐκ ἦν τῷ γένει μόνον,
ἀλλὰ πανευγενέστατος καὶ τὴν ψυχὴν ὑπῆρχε.
Λακώνων Ἀθηναίων τε ποτέ γὰρ πολεμοῦντων,
χρησμὸς ἐδόθη Λάκωσι μεγάλως ἡττηθῆναι,
ἄν τις ἐκ τούτων στρατηγὸν τῶν Ἀθηναίων κτείνῃ.
Ὃ γνοὺς ὁ Κόδρος καὶ στολὴν ἁψάμενος δρυτόμου,
πελέκει Λάκωνα τινὰ κτείνας ἀνταναιρεῖται.
Ὅπερ καὶ γνόντες φεύγουσιν οἱ Λάκωνες εὐθέως.
192 This Codrus was noble not in family alone,
but was entirely noble, in a spiritual sense.
For once when the Laconians and Athenians were fighting,
an oracle was given to the Laconians that they would be entirely defeated
if one of them were to kill the leader of the Athenians.
Learning which, Codrus, putting on the outfit of a woodsman,
killed a certain Laconian with an axe, then was killed in return.
And when they understood what they had done, the Laconians fled immediately.
[My trans. Text from Petrus Aloisius M. Leone, ed., Ioannis Tzetzae Historiae (Naples, Libreria Scientifica Editrice, 1968). Tzetzes lived in the 12th century AD.]
Selected Secondary Sources
Kron, U. Die
zehn attischen Phylenheroen. Geschichte, Mythos, Kult und Darstellungen (
Robertson, Noel. “Melanthus, Codrus, Neleus, Cacon: Ritual Myth as Athenian History.” GRBS 29 (1988): 201-261, 225-226.
Kearns, Emily. The Heroes
of Attica (BICS Suppl. 57) (
Sourvinou-Inwood, Christiane. “The
Simon, Erika. “Kodros.” In Lexicon Iconographicum Mythologiae Classicae, 8 vols. (Zurich: Artemis Verlag, 1981-1999), V.1, 86-88.
Garrison, Elise P. “Suicidal Males in Greek and Roman Mythology: A Catalogue.” http://www.stoa.org/diotima/essays/garrison_catalogue2.shtml.