Footnotes 91-108
Table of Contents

[1] See Dean Jessee, ed., The Papers of Joseph Smith, Volume 1, Autobiographical and Historical Writings (SLC: Deseret, 1989), 1:5-7, 272-73; Thomas G. Alexander, "The Reconstruction of Mormon Doctrine," Sunstone 22 (June 1999): 15-29, 16; James B. Allen, "The Significance of Joseph Smith's 'First Vision' in Mormon Thought," in D. Michael Quinn, ed., The New Mormon History: Revisionist Essays on the Past (SLC: Signature Books, 1992), 37-52.

[2] Jessee, The Papers of Joseph Smith, 1:15-95; Dan Vogel, ed., Early Mormon Documents, Volume 2 (SLC: Signature Books, 1998), 416-66; D. Michael Quinn, Early Mormonism and the Magic World View, 2nd rev. ed. (SLC: Signature Books, 1998), 136- 77.

[3] Emma Smith, in an 1879 interview with Joseph Smith III, said, "In writing for J.S. I frequently wrote for day after day, often he sitting at the table close by him, he sitting with his face bu=ried in his hat, with the stone in it and dictating hour after hour, with nothing between us." Notes for interview published in Saints' Herald 26 (Oct. 1, 1879): 279, repr. in Dan Vogel, ed., Early Mormon Documents, Volume 1 (SLC: Signature Books, 1996), 539; cf. Quinn, Early Mormonism, 171.

[4] For example, D&C 68:14-26, cf. the original text in The Evening and Morning Star(October 1832): 3; see Richard Howard, Restoration Scriptures: A Study of Their Textual Development, 2nd rev. ed. (Independence, MO: Herald Publishing House, 1995), 149-66. See also Quinn, The Mormon Hierarchy: Origins of Power (SLC: Signature Books, 1994), 5-40 and Michael Marquardt, The Joseph Smith Revelations (SLC: Signature Books, 1999).

[5] For conservative documentation, see Assistant Church Historian Andrew Jenson's collection of affidavits, and his list of 27 of Joseph Smith's plural wives, "Plural Marriage," Historical Record 6 (May 1887): 219-40. See my discussion of Jenson's reliability, below. In addition to my book, see Lawrence Foster, Religion and Sexuality: Three American Communal Experiences of the Nineteenth Century (NY: Oxford University Press, 1981); Richard Van Wagoner, Mormon Polygamy: A History (Salt Lake City: Signature Books, 1986); Linda King Newell and Valeen Tippetts Avery, Mormon Enigma: Prophet's Wife, 'Elect Lady,' Polygamy's Foe (Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1984).

[6] See Juanita Brooks, The Mountain Meadows Massacre, 2nd ed. (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1962).

[7] Brooks, The Mountain Meadows Massacre, 143, 151, 158-59, 165-66, 181.

[8] For example, Wilford Woodruff journal, Apr. 9, 10, 1852 (Scott Kenney edition, 4:129-30); March 19, 1854 (Kenney 4:250); Sept. 17, 1854 (Kenney 4:288); David Buerger, "The Adam-God Doctrine," Dialogue 15 (Spring 1982): 14-58; Gary Bergera, "The Orson Pratt-Brigham Young Controversies: Conflicts within the Quorums, 1853-1868," Dialogue 13 (Summer 1980): 7-49.

[9] Heber Grant Ivins, "Polygamy in Mexico as Practiced by the Mormon Church, 1895-1905," typescript, University of Utah library, also available on New Mormon Studies CD-Rom(SLC: Signature Books, 1998); E. Carmon Hardy, Solemn Covenant: The Mormon Polygamous Passage (Urbana: The University of Illinois Press, 1992); Van Wagoner, Mormon Polygamy.

[10] For the previous LDS ban on blacks receiving priesthood, see Lester E. Bush, Jr. and Armand L. Mauss, eds., Neither White nor Black: Mormon Scholars Confront the Race Issue in a Universal Church (Midvale, Utah: Signature Books, 1984).

[11] Almost any substantive nineteenth-century Mormon journal will reflect this. See also Lester E. Bush, Jr., Health and Medicine among the Latter-day Saints: Science, Sense and Scripture (NY: Crossroad, 1993), 48-59.

[12] See Wallace Stegner, The Gathering of Zion (NY: McGraw-Hill, 1964); Leonard Arrington, Great Basin Kingdom: An Economic History of the Latter-day Saints, 1830- 1900 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1958); id., Adventures of a Mormon Historian (Urbana: The University of Illinois Press, 1998), 175-85.

[13] For instance, the idea that Joseph Smith could marry a fourteen year old girl, Helen Mar Whitney, is part of my faith perspective, because the documentation for the event is indisputable. But I do not think that it was necessarily wise for him to marry Helen. So my view of the gospel includes church leaders who can on occasion make serious mistakes.

[14] Donna Hill, Joseph Smith, the First Mormon (Garden City, NY: Doubleday & Company, Inc., 1977), 62.

[15] Quicksand and Cactus: A Memoir of the Southern Mormon Frontier (SLC: Westwater Press, 1981), 229.

[16] See Juanita Brooks' talk, "Sins of Omission in Presenting Mormon History," typescript, Utah State Historical Society. For the new evidence on Native Americans' limited role in the Massacre, see Christopher Smith, "Mormon Massacre at Mountain Meadows: Forensic Analysis Supports Paiute Tribe's Claim of Passive Role," Salt Lake Tribune (January 21, 2001).

[17] James N. Kimball, "J. Golden Kimball: Private Life of a Public Figure," Journal of Mormon History 24 (1998): 55-84.

[18] Edward L. Kimball and Andrew E. Kimball, Jr., Spencer W. Kimball: Twelfth President of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (SLC: Bookcraft, Inc., 1977), ix.

[19] An Abundant Life: The Memoirs of Hugh B. Brown, ed. by Edwin B. Firmage (SLC: Signature Books, 1988), 16. Ronald K. Esplin and Richard E. Turley, Jr., "Mountain Meadows Massacre," Encyclopedia of Mormonism, 4 vols., ed. Daniel H. Ludlow (New York: Macmillan, 1992) 2:966-68.

[20] Arrington calls this the "theological marionette bias" that has weakened much Mormon history. See "The Search for Truth and Meaning in Mormon History," Dialogue 3 (Summer 1968): 56-65, 61, also found in D. Michael Quinn, ed., The New Mormon History: Revisionist Essays on the Past (SLC: Signature Books, 1992), 1-12, 6. This is related to "the unanimity bias," 64.

[21] James E. Talmage, The Story and Philosophy of Mormonism (Salt Lake City: The Deseret News, 1914), 89. "But that plural marriage is a vital tenet of the Church is not true . . . Plurality of wives was an incident, never an essential." While modern polygamists understandably cite this quotation with disapproval, as conflicting with earlier church leaders' viewpoints, I think Talmage's view reflects an inspired step forward in our church's history.

[22] Eugene England, "Fidelity, Polygamy and Marriage," in Dialogue 20 (Winter 1987): 138-54; repr. in Brent Corcoran, ed., Multiply and Replenish: Mormon Essays on Sex and Family (SLC: Signature Books, 1994), 103-22.

[23] I have written three articles based on Jesus's parables, actions and teachings: "Heaven and Hell: The Parable of the Loving Father and the Judgmental Son," Dialogue 29.4 (Winter 1996): 31-46; "Thoughts on the Possibility of an Open Temple," Sunstone 22.1 #113 (March-April 1999): 42-49; "Was Jesus a Feminist?" Dialogue 32.4 (Winter 1999): 1- 18.

[24] For example, see David Earle Bohn, "Unfounded Claims and Impossible Expectations: A Critique of the New Mormon History," in George D. Smith, ed., Faithful History (SLC: Signature Books, 1992), 227-61, 228. Here Bohn states that the "New Mormon Historians" "argue for an essentially naturalistic or secular approach to the Mormon past." See my discussion of the meaning of "naturalistic" as "atheistic," below. For the literature for and against the "New Mormon History," see Quinn, "Editor's Introduction," The New Mormon History, xiv, xviii, footnotes 8 and 13.

[25] Leonard J. Arrington, Adventures of a Church Historian, 84; "The Founding of the Latter-day Saint History Department," Journal of Mormon History 18 (1992): 41-56, 50.

[26] For positions on evolution within Mormonism, see Gene A. Sessions and Craig J. Oberg, eds., The Search for Harmony: Essays on Science and Mormonism (SLC: Signature Books, 1993). Richard Sherlock's "A Turbulent Spectrum: Mormon Reactions to the Darwinist Legacy," 67-92, gives an overview of the continuum, from then Apostle Joseph Fielding Smith (evolution was "Satan's chief weapon in this dispensation to destroy the divine mission of Jesus Christ," see "Editors' Introduction," vii) to Apostle and scientist John A. Widstoe ("The law of evolution . . . does not require that all things, all life, shall have a common origin. It merely declares that everything in the universe is moving onward." Ibid. xi). The conflict of Joseph Fielding Smith and scientist Henry Eyring is a fascinating story, see Steven H. Heath, "Agreeing to Disagree: Henry Eyring and Joseph Fielding Smith," 137-54. For unwillingness to accept a middle ground, see Sherlock, "Turbulent Spectrum," 70: "[Joseph Fielding] Smith denied that one could be a theistic evolutionist." Smith seemed to have a confrontative view of the gospel (the gospel and science are opposed, and it is our duty to accept the gospel and reject science), while Widstoe, Talmage and Merrill seemed to have an comprehensive view of the gospel (the gospel includes science). Widstoe wrote that the Church "holds . . . that every scientific discovery may be incorporated into the gospel." The Church, "which comprehends all truth, accepts all the reliably determined facts used in building the hypothesis of organic evolution." John A. Widstoe, In Search of Truth (SLC: Deseret Book, 1963), 125, 77, as cited in "Editors' Introduction," xx.

[27] See Newell Bringhurst's insightful biography, Fawn McKay Brodie: A Biographer's Life (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1999).

[28] "Fawn Brodie on Joseph Smith's Plural Wive and Polygamy: A Critical View," in Newell Bringhurst, ed., Reconsidering No Man Knows My History: Fawn M. Brodie and Joseph Smith in Retrospect (Logan: Utah State University Press, 1996), 154-94.

[29] See my "Fawn Brodie," 156-58.

[30] For their labeling me as naturalistic, see below. See my pp. xii-xiii. It is a common practice for naturalistic, secularist authors to edit the miraculous out of their narratives. If I had been trying to seek acceptance on the naturalistic side of the spectrum, I would have left out the many miraculous occurrences in my book. Anderson and Faulring, in what I consider a bizarre and unfortunate judgment, refer to my work as psychohistory, a term associated with Brodie. See below.

[31] I do think significant recurring patterns will be found generally in Mormon polygamous women, see the literature referred to at In Sacred Loneliness, 630, especially Suzanne Adel Katz, "Sisters in Salvation: Patterns of Emotional Loneliness Among Nineteenth-Century Non-Elite Mormon Polygamous Women," M.A. thesis, California State University at Fullerton, 1987. While writing In Sacred Loneliness, I purposely stayed away from books on modern polygamy, such as Jesse L. Embry, Mormon Polygamous Families: Life in the Principle (SLC: University of Utah Pres, 1987) and Irwin Altman and Joseph Ginat, Polygamous Families in Contemporary Society (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), though many of the same recurring patterns can be found there.

[32] Bachman describes my tone as "mild" and "not shrill," but he seems to mention this only as a contrast to the perceived complete negativism of the content of my book.

[33] It received a T. Edgar Lyon Award of Excellence for an Article in Mormon History in the May 1997 MHA conference, and a Dialogue award as best article of the year in the category of History and Biography.

[34] Janet Ellingson, Letter to the Editor, Journal of Mormon History 23.1 (Spring 1997), vi-vii.

[35] Lawrence Foster, "Sex and Prophetic Power: A Comparison of John Humphrey Noyes, Founder of the Oneida Community, with Joseph Smith, Jr., the Mormon Prophet," Dialogue: A Journal of Mormon Thought 31:4 (Winter 1998): 65-84, 77. See also Foster's recent review of In Sacred Loneliness in Dialogue 33.1 (Spring 2000 [actual: June 2001]): 184-86. Though this review contains much that is positive, it continues to argue that Joseph Smith did not actually marry Fanny Alger.

[36] See my "Fawn Brodie," 166-71; In Sacred Loneliness, 670.

[37] See my "Fawn Brodie," 156-57.

[38] In Sacred Loneliness, 231; "Fawn Brodie," 157-58.

[39] (Provo: BYU Press, 1977), 400.

[40] See Jack Larkin, The Reshaping of Everyday Life, 1790-1840 (New York: Harper & Row, 1988), 63; Laurel Thatcher Ulrich, Good Wives: Image and Reality in the Lives of Women in Northern New England, 1650-1750 (NY: Oxford University Press, 1980), 6; Nancy F. Cott, "Young Women in the Second Great Awakening in New England," Feminist Studies 3 (1975): 16. Larkin writes, "American women began to marry in their late teens; around different parts of the United States the average age of marriage varied from nineteen to twenty-three."

[41] Cf. later cases in Mormon history when young women married older men, then continued to socialize with young men of their age group -- see Thomas G. Alexander, Things in Heaven and Earth: The Life and Times of Wilford Woodruff, a Mormon Prophet (SLC: Signature Books, 1991), 135, and In Sacred Loneliness, 390, in which another of Joseph's younger wives was separated from a young man she was seeing socially.

[42] See Timothy Egan, "The Persistence of Polygamy," The New York Times Magazine(Feb. 28, 1999), 51-55, for an introduction to polygamous practices of Tom Green and the Kingston family.

[43] See my section on interpretive writing in history below.

[44] Martha Sonntag Bradley and Mary Brown Firmage Woodward (a descendant of Zina), in Four Zinas: A Story of Mothers and Daughters on the Mormon Frontier (SLC: Signature Books, 2000), 115, 137. However, I have not yet been able to confirm this reference in a primary source.

[45] Review of In Sacred Loneliness, in Pacific Historical Review 68 (Aug. 1999): 466-468, 467. Once again, I have not yet been able to confirm this reference in a primary source.

[46] "Fawn Brodie," 155-58 is my primary critique of Brodie, see also "Fawn Brodie" passim and In Sacred Loneliness ix, 280-81, 629, 670.

[47] See above on Oliver Buell.

[48] See my remarks on whether Andrew Jenson and his sources are unreliable, below.

[49] 291 n. 5.

[50] "A Study of the Mormon Practice of Plural Marriage before the Death of Joseph Smith," (Master's Thesis, Purdue University, 1975), pp. 338-40, cf. In Sacred Loneliness, p. 641. Bachman's thesis is available at the LDS Church History Department library.

[51] Anderson and Faulring seem to think that I have short-changed Bachman's contribution to the study of early Mormon polygamy. (p. 73) I did not write a historiography of polygamy in Mormonism, but if I had, I would have given Bachman full credit for his remarkable master's thesis. Not long after my book was published, I ran into D. Michael Quinn, and mentioned how highly I regarded Bachman's thesis. Mike agreed and mentioned that it surpassed many doctoral theses. However, Bachman, though he published a paper on Joseph Smith's Kirtland-era polygamy, "New Light on an Old Hypothesis: The Ohio Origins of the Revelations on Eternal Marriage," Journal of Mormon History 5 (1978): 19-32, has since withdrawn from active research and publication on the issue. He has never sought to publish his thesis.

[52] Richard L. Anderson, "Joseph Smith's New York Reputation Reappraised," Brigham Young University Studies 10 (Spring 1970): 283-314.

[53] Furthermore, as I show below, Anderson and Faulring inconsistently accept second hand testimony on occasion.

[53a] (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1988), 41-55. The following quotes are from pages 55 and 45.

[54] As is shown by the Helen Mar Whitney journal, Merrill Library, Utah State University, June 5-22, 1886; October 7-13, 1887; January 27, 1888; June 27-29, August 27, 29, 1889.

[55] Emmeline Wells to Mary Lightner, Febr. 10, 1887, CA.

[56] Zina Young to Mary Lightner June 8, ([1887]), CA.

[57] Anderson and Faulring in other cases accept second-hand evidence willingly; e.g., when they accept Melissa Lott's statement on Emma Smith agreeing to her (Melissa's) marriage to Joseph Smith (p. 86, Melissa says that her parents told her that Emma gave her permission for her (Melissa's) marriage to Joseph Smith.) Another example is Anderson and Faulring's attempt to put forth Benjamin Johnson as preferred witness for the time of Fanny Alger's marriage, 78-79, see below.

[58] "A Study of the Mormon Practice of Plural Marriage," 112, n. 26.

[59] See "Heber C. Kimball: His Wives and Family," in Kate Carter, ed. and comp., Our Pioneer Heritage (SLC: Daughters of Utah Pioneers, 1971) 10:377-428, reprinted in pamphlet form, Kate B. Carter, ed. and comp., Heber C. Kimball: His Wives and Family(SLC: Daughters of Utah Pioneers, 1967); Stanley Kimball, Heber C. Kimball: Mormon Patriarch and Pioneer (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1981), 307-16.

[60] Cf. In Sacred Loneliness, 316, where Eliza R. Snow, Elizabeth Whitney, Elvira Cowles, and Elizabeth Durphy visit the Lott farm soon before Melissa Lott's marriage to Joseph Smith.

[61] See In Sacred Loneliness, 632.

[62] See In Sacred Loneliness, 643; Dean Zimmerman, ed., I Knew the Prophets: An Analysis of the Letter of Benjamin F. Johnson to George F. Gibbs, Reporting Doctrinal Views of Joseph Smith and Brigham Young (Bountiful, UT: Horizon Publishers, 1976), 11.

[63] Zimmerman, I Knew the Prophets, 38.

[64] Anderson and Faulring critique my statement that "Emma was consistently implacable in her opposition to the 'principle'" (their p. 86,In Sacred Loneliness, 388), and state that it would be "more accurate" to say that she "alternately cooperated and rebelled," as Orson Pratt stated. This makes it sound as if I was not aware that Emma had at one time allowed Joseph plural wives. However, my following sentence, which Anderson and Faulring should have mentioned, affirms that Emma allowed Joseph at least four wives, as is well known. Once again, they attacked a position I did not take. Incidentally, "alternately cooperated and rebelled" implies that Emma continually went back and forth on this issue. Actually, if we follow Mormon Enigma, it appears that Emma had a brief window of time when she allowed Joseph plural marriages (i.e., when she married the Partridge and Lawrence sisters, in March-May, 1843). But, as I stated on p. 388 of In Sacred Loneliness, even during this period she was far from a real convert to polygamy. Emily Partridge wrote, "Emma seemed to feel well until the ceremony was over, when almost before she could draw a second breath, she turned, and was more bitter in her feelings than ever before, if possible, and before the day was over she turned around or repented what she had done and kept Joseph up till very late in the night talking to him." (Quoted at Newell and Avery, Mormon Enigma, 143.)

[65] Journal of Mary Ellen Kimball (Salt Lake City: Pioneer Press, 1994), 39; Altman and Ginat, Polygamous Families, 134-36, 140.

[66] In Sacred Loneliness, 555. And once again, if I were simply pushing a narrow negative thesis and editing out all contrary evidence, as per Anderson and Faulring and Bachman, I probably would not have included a story such as this.

[67] Examples in In Sacred Loneliness, 555, 556, 453; another example at Altman and Ginat, Polygamous Families, 105.

[68] Cf. Altman and Ginat, Polygamous Families, 104-5.

[69] Wilford Woodruff journal, Oct. 26, 1868 (Kenney 6:435), quoted at In Sacred Loneliness, 748. Modern parallels in Altman and Ginat, Polygamous Families,104- 5.

[70] Though it should be noted that Emma's biographers disagree, see In Sacred Loneliness, 715, Newell and Avery, Mormon Enigma 328.

[71] Anderson and Faulring, 86, point out that Melissa Lott said in the Temple Lot case that Emma gave her permission for the marriage. This is a very valuable reference, and I am grateful that they brought it to my attention. I accept it tentatively, but we should note that Melissa was not speaking from first-hand knowledge. Her parents told her that Emma had given her permission, but Emma was not present at the marriage. This is an example of how Anderson and Faulring accept second-hand testimony in some circumstances. They should have a consistent methodological framework for doing this; if not, they will be perceived as arbitrarily accepting and rejecting evidence.

[72] See Helen Mar Kimball Whitney's autobiography, at Jeni Broberg Holzapfel and Richard Neitzel Holzapfel, A Woman's View: Helen Mar Whitney's Reminiscences of Early Church History (Provo, Ut.: Religious Studies Center, Brigham Young University, 1997), 137; In Sacred Loneliness, 496.

[73] Cf. the William Clayton journal, Aug. 16, 1843, quoted in In Sacred Loneliness, 635.

[74] I would not call two wives "normative"; certainly small plural families were more common that large ones. But an important wrinkle to factor in here is that elite Mormon men tended to marry more wives than less elite men for religious reasons, see In Sacred Loneliness, 10-11. Though I did not focus on later polygamy, this was an established principle in Utah polygamy. See Helen Fisher Smith's statement cited at In Sacred Loneliness, 636.

[75] Other polygamous families that were apparently harmonious were the families of Southern Utah pioneer Dudley Leavitt, see Juanita Brooks, On the Ragged Edge: The Life and Times of Dudley Leavitt (SLC: Utah State Historical Society, 1973); and Salt Lake Stake President Angus M. Cannon, per an MHA talk given by Donald Q. Cannon at Cedar City, Utah, May, 2001. For positive views of contemporary polygamy, see Mary Batchelor, Marianne Watson and Anne Wilde, Voices in Harmony: Contemporary Women Celebrate Plural Marriage (SLC: Principle Voices, 2000).

[76] No Man Knows My History 347.

[77] "A Study of the Mormon Practice," 124-36.

[78] Religion and Sexuality 161-63. Foster prefers not to use the term polyandry, though he accepts that two different kinds of marriage were existing at the same time for these women. I agree with him that, depending on one's point of view, the term could be rejected. From the viewpoint of legal civil marriage alone, there was no polyandry; and from the perspective of eternal, celestial marriage alone, there was no polyandry. Foster's emphasis on the latter kind of marriage, I believe, causes him to reject the term.

[79] "A Study of the Mormon Practice," 126-28.

[80] Teachings of the Presidents of the Church: Brigham Young (SLC: Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, 1997), 193-194; Discourses of Brigham Young, ed. by John Widstoe (SLC: [Deseret Book], 1941), 246-47.

[81] (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1997).

[82] (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1996), 72-103.

[83] Bates and Smith, Lost Legacy, 88-89.

[84] Leonard Arrington and Davis Bitton, The Mormon Experience (NY: Random House, 1979), 187.

[85] In an oral response to my book given at the Mormon History Association in 1999, Bachman was even more extreme: In Sacred Loneliness "has taken a step back into the 19th century and joined hands with Eber D. Howe, John C. Bennett, Joseph Jackson, William Hall and a host of other detractors who deny Joseph's inspiration."

[86] Journal of Discourses 3:125, as cited in Van Wagoner, Mormon Polygamy, 230.

[86a] “They Might Have Known That He Was Not a Fallen Prophet” — The Nauvoo Journal of Joseph Fielding,” transcribed and edited by Andrew F. Ehat, in Brigham Young University Studies 19 (1979): 133-66, 149. I am indebted to Gary Bergera for this reference.

[87] See Van Wagoner, Mormon Polygamy, 230; also Irene M. Bates, “William Smith, 1811-93: Problematic Patriarch,” Dialogue 16 (Summer 1983): 19, citing Warsaw Signal, 3 Sept. 1845 and Deposition of Cyrus H. Wheelock, Temple Lot Suit (Abstract), Lamoni, 1893, cited in Ivins Notebook No. 2, p. 111.

[88] Typescript in my possession, p. 14. I would like to thank Jess Groesbeck for pointing this passage out to me. See also Van Wagoner, Mormon Polygamy, 38-39.

[89] (Knoxville: The University of Tennessee Press, 1988).

[90] For my skeptical view of this suggestion, see above.

Footnotes 91-108